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REFLECTIONS 



ON THE 



LAW OF 1813, 



LAYING AN EMBARGO 



ON ALL 



SHIPS AND VESSELS 



IN 



THE PORTS AND HARBORS 

OF THE 

UNITED STATES. 



BY SAMUEL M<KEE, WILLIAM P. DUVALL, AJStt 
THOMAS MONTGOMERY. 

1814. 



M 1 



REFLECTIONS, &c. 



WE offer the following reflections to the candid, 
honest, and dispassionate citizens of the congressional 
districts which we have the honor to represent, with a 
view to our justification for having voted against the 
passage of the embargo bill; and wc cherish a lively 
hope that a very large majority of the citizens of our 
respective districts will be disposed to give our re- 
marks an attentive perusal, and our arguments that 
consideration which they intrinsically merit: and we 
trust too, that upon taking such a course, our fellow- 
citizens will be convinced, that we voted correctly, or 
that the measure is one so problematical in its nature, 
that men equally wise and honest might differ on it in 
their votes. To those who believe in the infallibility of 
a favorite President, to those who believe that a domi- 
nant party under nvhattver name, will never err, and to 
those who believe that every remark which they read 
in a favorite news/ia/ier is just the very language of 
wisdom, we need not address ourselves with any hope 
of convincing them that we voted correctly. To those 
of the first class, we just remark, that they ought to 
desire to see the attendance of congress dispensed 
with, because the wages of the members is too much 
to be paid for the mere formula of registering the views 
of the President; to those of the second class, we re 
mark, that they ought to be in haste to take such mea- 
sures as would fwrfieti/ate the /lower of their favorites; 
and to those of the third class, we remark, that they 
ought to labor to bring all the powers of the govern- 
ment directly under the controulof their favorite editor. 



Before we proceed to offer our arguments to prove 
the impolicy of the lute embargo law, we deem it 
somewhat important to submit a short sketch of the 
history of its introduction into congress, together with 
its progress into a law. During the summer session 
of 1813, the President transmitted to both houses of 
congress a message, in which he expressed it as his 
opinion, that the object of our enemy, the British, in. 
blockading our ports and harbors, was to favor an 
■unlawful trade between our citizens and the enemy, by 
which they could procure supplies of provisions, &c, 
ibr the use of their fleets and armies; and to prevent 
•any commerce on our part, except such as suited their 
exigencies, and must go to their markets. This we 
state from memory, and believe it to be substantially 
•correct. No document whatever, substantiating any 
tfact in relation to the subject matter, accompanied 
this communication; and it was stated to the house of 
Representatives, by the chairman of the committee of 
foreign relations, that the President was applied to to 
know whether he had in his possession any evidence 
which would bear upon the subject; to which he an- 
swered, that he had none but that which was known to 
the members generally Upon this message, after 
some preliminary proceedings, a bill was framed and 
.reported to the house: on the day it was reported, it 
was moved to postpone its consideration for one day> 
■urging that its great length precluded the possibility of 
correctly understanding all its principles; but the mo- 
tion was overruled; and the bill, containing about 
twenty sections, passed through all the* formula of 
legislation in the lower house in the space of six or 
seven hours. On a question which went to try the 
passage of the bill, we voted in the negative; and we 
say respectively that we did it conscientiously, after 
the best consideration which we could give the argu- 
ments on each side. We say arguments, for as to the 
evidence of facts, we had none, unless a few detached 
newspaper statements were to be considered as such. 



This bill was rejected in the Senate by a majority of 
one or two votes. 

At an curiy day in the winter session of IS 13, the 
President, by a confidential communication to both 
houses, recommended cm embargo, and the subject 
was Liken up in great haste in the house of Represen- 
tatives and passed. '1 "iie communication of the Presi- 
dent was unaccompanied by any evidence of facts, i evin- 
cing the existence of the evil intended to be guarded 
against by the law; and a motion, made with a view to 
draw from him any evidence in his power, which would 
serve to show the extent of the evil intended to be 
prevented by the passage of the law, was overruled, 
and the bill very hastily passed. We say respectively, 
that we gave the subject matter the best consideration 
which the knowledge wc possessed enabled us, and 
would cheerfully have heard any arguments in its fa- 
vor; but those in its favor did not deign to offer any; 
and wc conscientiously voted against its passage. 

We deem it proper to state, before we proceed to 
examine the policy of the embargo, that we have re- 
peatedly expressed our opinion that the present war 
with Great Britain is founded on just cause, that we 
have voted the collection of tuxes, and for other mea- 
sures with a view to its vigorous prosecution; and do 
respectively aver, that we will heartily concur in any 
measure which will have, in our opinions, but the ap- 
pearance of actively and efficiently operating upon cur 
enemy, so that the balance of injury resulting may be 
in our favor: but against measures that will produce 
most injury to ourselves, we do protest, as not calcu- 
lated to bring the war to a happy conclusion. 

We will now proceed to consider the policy of the 
present embargo law: in the prosecution of which, we 
will first consider its effects upon the enemy: second- 
ly, we will consider it* effects upon ourselves. The 
result of this enquiry, if we are net greatly mistaken, 
will show that in all reasonable probability, the balance 

A 2 



6 



of injuries resulting from Ihe measure will be greatly 
against us. 

We do not deny that the British have drawn some 
supplies from our country by trading with some of our 
own citizens, in a manner highly to be deprecated} 
to what extent we know not, but do not believe it 
has been to the extent which some pretend to believe. 
But while we admit this fact, we do not hesitate to ex- 
press it as our opinion, that the passage of the embar- 
go will only affect this evil in a partial degree. The 
candid must admit, that those who have not been here- 
tofore restrained from the practice by the love of coun- 
try, nor the pains and penalties consequent upon a 
conviction of treason, will notwithstanding the passage 
of this law, pursue their old course if practicable an 'I 
profitable; and wc really believe, bom our vast length 
of sea coast, our numerous small inlets, combined with 
the aid which may be derived from the blockading 
squadrons of the enemy, that such practices will pre- 
vail in some degree, in despite of all the exertions of 
the government under the provisions of the embargo; 
and that they will draw to themselves some of our most 
suitable commodities. 

We admit that the purchase of some of our commo- 
dities through the medium of neutrals, may, in some 
small degree, profit the enemy., .the amount of this 
advantage we believe to consist of the difference be- 
tween a high and higher price But, after making this 
admission, we feel authorised to say, that the idea of 
starving the fleets and armies of Great Britain by the 
passage of this law, is a perfect chimera; neither can 
we believe, from what we know of cur enemy, and the 
condition of the world, that its pressure in any way can 
be such as to dispose her to do us justice 

Great Britain has her thousand ships of war; she has 
a great number of merchant vessels; she can have the 
aid of all neutrals; and she can raise from eighty to 
one hundred millions pounds sterling per annum: these 
are her means for fuirchase and tranapcriutiov; and the 



ports of the world, (1) with the exception of Trance and 
its dependencies, Den murk and America, are open to 
her. We excepted France (2) improperly, because we 
know from past experience, if a good price in English 
guineas, or articles suitable to the maintenance of his 
armies can be obtained, Buonaparte will permit every 
particle of surplus produce in France to go to the ene- 
my. Is there, then, any person pretending to a know- 
ledge of the various regions of this globe, and the con- 
dition of the inhabitants thereof, who can say, in candor, 
that Great Britain will not have it in her power to 
victual her fleets and armies without our products; and 
tlYat she may not have the requisite supply of military 
stores and articles used in their manufactories? If 
there is any sue!), we expect net to convince them of 
the propriety of our vote. 

We pretend not to the most exact knowledge of the 
products of the various regions of the earth, and the 
condition of its inhabitants; but we believe we knew 
that Russia, containing a population of. about forty mil- 
lions, are nearly all agriculturists, and that vast quan* 
lilies of grain, naval and military stores, can be drawn 
from it by the way of her large navigable rivers, the 
Baltic and. Black seas; that Sweden can furnish large 
supplies of naval and military stores; that large quan- 
tities of provisions can be drawn from the interior ci' 
Germany, through Prussia; that large quantities Of 
bread-stuff', cotton, and provisions, can be drawn from 
the Turkish possessions bordering on the Black sea, 
the Levant and Mediterranean; that large quantities of 
cotton, and some bread-stuffs, can be obtained from 
Egypt; that bread-stuffs can be obtained from the coast 
of the Mediterranean called the Barbary coast; that 
large quantities of provisions, &c. can be obtained from 
Brazil; and that cotton can be obtained from sundry of 
the islands in the Atlantic and Gulf of Mexico. We 
hesitate not to say, from any researches we have been 
able to make, that our enemy can be abundantly sup- 
plied without our products. We know that many of 
(1) See note at the end. (2) See note at the end. 



the countries which we hare named equal ours in 
fertility, if the common authorities are to be relied on; 
and that nothing but our superior industry and enter- 
prize has enabled us to supplant them. But upon this 
subject let experience speak. In December 1807 a 
general embargo law was passed, in the hope that 
Great Britain and France, or one of them, from the 
loss of the products of our country, would feel such a 
pressure as would convince one or both of them of the 
policy of doing- us justice This law was passed under 
circumstances far more ausfiicious than the present, 
and it remained in force about fourteen months: dur- 
ing its existence. Sp'ajn and Portugal were almost en- 
tirely in possession of Buon .parte, in the name of Jo- 
seph Buonaparte. This is not novo the case. In the 
month of June, after its passage, Buonaparte overthrew 
the emperor of Russia at the buttle of Fried land, and 
in> mediately chew him into the continental system of 
prohibiting commerce with Great Britain, and conse- 
quently her enemy. It is riot so tloiv.. .jKu&sia is the 
ally of Englandi During its existence Prussia was 
under the direction of Buonaparte, and low she is the 
ally of England: dining its existence Austria declared 
she would have no commercial intercourse with Bri- 
tain, and How she is the ally of Britain: during its con- 
tinuance England was in a state of war with Turkey, 
and Turkey is no$t> neutral Tliis state of things be- 
tween England and the various nations mentioned, 
combined with our embargo, so much more strongly 
calculated to bring her to a sense of justice, and to 
forego her favorite system of the monopoly of all com- 
merce, failed to produce the end desired. She was no 
doubt hard pressed; but her fieo/ile, her fleets, and 
ar'i ies. were not starved; her factories, although in- 
jured, were still carried on; and she refused to do us 
lhat justice which we demanded. Her pride, too, at 
that time, was not so strongly assailed as .tt the present 
crisis': we ..like complained of French and British ag- 
gressions, and professed to operate on them both. If 



our view is correct, the plain inference is, that the pas- 
Sage of the embargo will have no other effect than to 
subject our enemy to some additional inconvenience m 
the prosecution of the war, and to compel them to pay 
somewhat higher for bread-stuffs, and such other arti- 
cles as they have heretofore drawn from this country; 
and, indeed, it maybe all resolved into the dhaivMage 
of tuiying a higher price. This wc confidently believe 
will never produce such a pressure as to induce them 
to yield the points m controversy. 

We now propose to examine the effects ot the em- 
bargo on the people of these states. By the passage ot 
this embargo law, all hope of increa.hig the specie of 
this country is cut of; and the forty or fifty .(3) milhbns 
of dollars worth per annum, cf articles for foreign mar- 
kets, the produce of our soil and industry, is aid snugly 
bv to waste by the operation of time and accident. 
This, to our view, is a great er*7....we cannot but be- 
lieve there will be occasional drains of specie, and 
without a correspondent increase, it must become 
scarce, and the energies cf the nation palsied lor its 
want. Money, to a nation, situated as ours, is like vital 
air to the body natural; as the body natural must cease 
to act when a -sufficient portion of vital air is warning; 
so, when the specie of our country is drained, the ener- 
gies of the nation will be paralized. 

But it will be perhaps said, that the enemy, by the 
means of their blockading squadrons, will prevent the 
exportation of our products. This, we believe, they 
can only partially effect with all their exertions: the 
vast length of our sea coast from the extreme of Maine 
to the Gulf of Mexico, our many inlets, and the aid of 
heutrate, combined with the activity and enterprise of 
our merchants, will enable us to export much, \\ e 
have been informed, and believe.tnat several shipments 
have been made from No, folk, with good faith, through 
the darkness of the nights; that during the autumn and 
winter, blockading squadrons cannot he off the port ol 
New Orleans, without imminent risque oi destruction; 
tej See note at the end. 



10 



and consequently, that vessels may, from that port, 
seize favorable opportunities and get to sea. 

By the passage of this law, the agriculturists and 
distillers of our countr/, at the same time that they are 
called upon by ihe government to contribute towards 
its support, are denied the mtans of raising the money; 
for the merchants cannot be expected to purchase from 
them, when they cannot hope to be able to export 
fairly. 

By the passage of this law, merchants who have 
bought on credit, will be subjected to ruin in many 
instances; and their creditors participate in their losses. 
Instead of active enlerprizing traders, watching and 
siezing the favorable opportunity of fairly enriching 
themselves and the farmers, and adding to the national 
stock, we will have a band of idlers, reviling our go- 
vernment. This law will certainly not hear as oppres- 
sively on the people of the western country as on many 
in the eastern: such was the fact with respect to the 
embargo of 1807; and yet we believe we could name 
many in the west who were ruined by the operation of 
that law. We can now make no estimate of the injury 
sustained by our enemy; and we know that we sustain- 
ed great losses without seeing the end produced, which 
was expected. 

Bv the nas^.."'" -jf this law, nearly the whole of the 
revenue to be derived from the importation of foreign 
merchandize is cut off; for neutrals cannot be expect- 
ed to resort much to our ports, when they are deprived 
of the advantage of the profits upon a return cargo; and 
our own merchants are prohibited from yoinp; out to 
sell or purchase. From this source, live millions of 
dollars have been expected to be raised; a sum nearly 
equal to the sum expected from all our internal reve- 
nues; consequently, to meet the defalcation, our in- 
ternal revenues must be marly doubled. To double 
the taxes, and cut off the sources lor procuring the 
money, at the same time, seems to us irreconcileuble 
with the maxims of prudence. 



11 



By the passage of this law, we shall be almost entire- 
ly deprived of the importation of some articles abso- 
lutely necessary to our existence: the article of salt is 
now excessively high in all the eastern states; and the 
probability is, that there will not, in the space of a year, 
be enough for the consumption of the country, home 
may have barely enough at an enormous price; others, 
and particularly the poor, none. 

VVe really cannot see the wisdom or propriety of im- 
posing a tax on the cafiacitij cf stills, solely engaged in 
making spirits from foreign materials, and immediate- 
ly afterwards prevent the owners from obtaining the 
materials for carrying on their distilleries: yet it is a 
fact, that there are a number of such distilleries, in 
which large capitals are vested; and this law will clear- 
ly prevent almost the whole of them from pursuing 
their business. In regard to this matter, we are in this 
dilemma, cither the nation must lose the revenue by 
the failure of the owners to take licences, or, the dis- 
tillers be shortly ruined. 

We believe that the passage of this law will lead to 
prosecutions almost without number, and to perjuries al- 
most correspondent. There are some persons we grant 
so patriotic and so respectful to the powers that be, that 
ihey would not escape utter ruin by the violation of an 
act of their government; but this is not the temper of 
more than a majority: many, in the sunshine of pros- 
perity, will amuse us with handsome declarations of 
their willingness to undergo privations for the sake of 
their country's good, who, in the days of trial and adver- 
sity, will prove that they w r ere not sincere, or that they 
did not know themselves. Under this law, the strongest 
imaginable tem/itations will present themselves; to the 
avaricious, the prospect of a vast price, combined with 
the want of moral principle, will tempt to elude its 
operation, even in trading with our enemy; the manu- 
facturer, whose progress in business depends entirely 
upon the importation of some foreign article, will be 
stongly tempted to its violation; to the merchant, who 



12 



has on hand a large quantity of articles of American 
growth, which he is indtblvd for, and who may expect 
to be ruined, unless he makes a speedy sale, the temp- 
tation is excessively strong; and if we add, that himself 
and a beloved family are to be saved thereby from 
poverty and distress, the temptation would be almost 
irresistible. These temptations will occur, under all 
the circumstances we have stated; many violations and 
evasions will occur with various shades of moral im- 
propriety, and among the various shifts to elude the 
penalties of the law consequent upon its violations, 
many perjuries may be expected. A wise government 
wiil be careful not to extend its penal code to acts not 
in themselves immoral, without the most evident ne- 
cessity. 

This law will, in our opinion, have a very de- 
moralizing effect upon the commercial part of the 
nation, and lead to the practice of hereafter evading all 
our revenue laws, in relation to foreign commerce. The 
temptations to violations, every person will admit are 
strong; the situation of our coast, combined with the 
aid of the squadrons of the enemy, will facilitate them; 
actions essentially different in a moral point of view 
are confounded: violations will take place, and profit 
be the result. A band of our citizens having once 
profited by the violation of a law in relation to com- 
merce, many of them having eluded prosecutions by 
immoral shifts, will have their minds well prepared to 
evade every commercial regulation hereatter, when 
tempted thereto by the prospect of gain. Too many 
restrictions on moral conduct confound virtue and 

vice. 

We believe that many struggles will take place bc~ 
tivcen those attempting to violate the Iw.v, and the 
revenue officers and those aiding them, and this state 
of things may take place, upon the mere suspicion 
of an intention to violate; that much bloodshed may 
ensue: indeed it is difficult to say how far those oc- 
currences may extend, in rousing the people to acts of, 



13 



violence: but sure we arc, that many will thereby be- 
come, in mind, alienated from the government; and 
. sure wc arc, that such occurrences have a dangerous 
tendency, as they respect the stability of our institu- 
tions. 

Wc believe that a large portion of the energies of 
this nation, will be called into action for the purpose of 
carrying this law into operation, that would be better 
employed in active operations upon our enemy, and 
that the nation will be consequently subjected to heavy- 
expenses. 

The coasting trade, between the different states, is 
by this law, entirely cut off This traffic is highly im- 
portant in many points of view; thereby the surplus 
products of the states are exchanged, in a manner well 
calculated to add to the convenience and comfort of the 
whole; and a scarcity of any of the necessaries of life 
in one state, are replenished by others; it moreover 
tends strongly to cement the band of union among the 
several states, by a continued reciprocity of advantages. 

We cannot but believe, that this law will have in a 
considerable degree the effect of palsying and benumb- 
ing our industry and enterprize, in agricultural and 
commercial pursuits; for to us it seems clear, that the 
agriculturist will be less anxious to produce a large 
quantity of bread-stuff Sec. for market, when he per- 
ceives in the government a disposition to check the 
course of commerce, by an embargo; and it seems 
equally clear, that men will not enter into commercial 
pursuits with alacrity, when they see that after they 
have made the most judicious arrangements at great 
expense, their whole scheme, however flattering, may 
be blasted in an instant, by the interposition of the 
government. 

We view this measure as having the effect of a pre- 
mium, to all those countries capable of producing the 
s-ame articles for exportation as our own; and a premi- 
um at our present expense- and perhaps to oil' great 
'loss hereafter. By wuholding our products, thosc' 

B 



14 

nations who can sell the same articles, will be enabled 
to get a higher price: by getting a good price, they will 
be excited to greater industry and to the exercise of 
greater skill; they will be enabled to produce a larger 
quantity, and become permanently our rivals to our 
great disadvantage. We know that there are vast 
countries in Europe, Asia, and America, of equal fer- 
tility with our own. 

Another of the evil effects of this measure will be 
the throwing a number of our sailors out of business. 
This seems to us almost self evident; for the ship ou li- 
ners cannot be expected to employ sailors when they 
are not permitted to navigate; consequently all beyond 
the number requisite to man the national war vessels 
and our few privateers, will be left on dry land, without 
money or business; and from the disposition and habits 
of sailors, may be expected to embrace the opportunity 
of going into foreign service through the medium of 
neutral vessels going out in ballast. How does this 
con/fort with the sentiment " Free trade and sailors' 
rights," so often repeated in the exclusively republican 
papers of our country ? This sentiment seems to have 
been for some time the burthen of our song; but sud- 
denly we take a course which will put down almost all 
trade; and which evinces the utmost disregard of the 
rights or interest of sailors. How variable our notes 1 

We view this law as highly objectionable, on ac- 
count of the very extensive and und<fned flowers with 
which it vests the President and those acting under his 
authority, in the execution of this law We mean not 
to say that the President will abuse his powers, but 
who can say, the numerous fiersons concerned in its 
execution under his inductions, will not from igno- 
rance and from malice to individuals, commit many, 
very many, acts of oppression on the rights of the peo- 
ple, not within the contemplation of the President or 
Congress, but justified by the letter of the law and the 
instructions. We believe that many such acts will occur. 

This law, among its many provisions, declares, that 
.if any person or persons shall put fcc. en board any 



15 



ship, vessel, boat, or water craft, or into any waggon, 
sled, or other carriage or vehicle, or in any other man- 
ner attempt to convey any specie, goods, wares Sec. 
with intent to export &.c. the same without the United 
States; such waggon, Sec may be seized and foreited. 
Under principles of this sort, great abuses and xa- 
tions may be expected. Merely because a waggon or 
sled is moving towards the sea coast or the line of the 
Canadas, a revenue ofucer may suppose the owner is 
attempting to violate the embargo law, and may seize 
the same; the owner maybe consciousof hisinnocence} 
and feel restive, or he may conceive that he has not 
given such evidence of a determination to violate the 
law, as to justify the exercise of any violence towards 
him, and become heated and vexed with the officer. 
Under such circumstances, force will he opposed to 
force; the owner on his side, calling in to his aid his 
friends and relatives, builing with rage; on the over, 
the officer drawing to his aid such as he can; violent 
acts will result, and the progress to a state of civil war 
be short. The case of Wat Tyler in British history is 
very apposite to shew how a. nation may be convulsed 
and thrown into a state of civil war through the opera- 
tion, or by the attempt to execute an unpopular law. 
In the case alluded to, the British parliament had pass- 
ed a law for a poll tax on all persons above a certain 
age; one of the persons concerned in the execution, 
called on Tyler for the amount of his taxes, or to ascer- 
tain the number of persons in his family liable to the 
• tax; they disputed respecting the age of one of Tyler's 
daughters; the officer resorted to an indecent mode of 
ascertaining the fact of her age, and Tyler slew him: 
this, although but the case of Tyler and the officer, 
was well nigh producing a complete revolution in 
England. The law was in itself odious, and the in- 
decent act of the officer, under the pretence of execu- 
ting it, so inflamed the minds of the people, that thou- 
sands flocked to the aid of Tyler; and the monarchy 
and aristocracy of the country were shook to the 
centre; and indeed all the institutions of the country, 



16 



wise, as well as unwise, jeopardized; for who can bridle 
an infuriated people ? 

We view this law as highly objectionable, because it 
brings under the same measure of punishment, actions 
'which in a moral fioint of -view are essentially different, 
and because it punishes a mere intent in like manner 
with the actual commission of the fact. The case of a 
person going out with a cargo of American products to 
a neutral port with the view of selling the same, in 
order to pay his debts and save himself and family lrom 
beggary, is confounded with the case of the person 
going out and selling to the enemy, with the view of 
aiding them in the war; and the mere intent, or what 
is the same, the attemfit, is punished in like manner 
with the commission of the fact. All wise legislation 
heretofore, has gone upon the principle, that the act is 
qualified by the intention or temper of mind; but wis- 
dom has forbid that the will should be taken for the 
deed. There may be repentance and the deed avoided. 
Perhaps we may be told, that the law could not be exe- 
cuted, that it would be abortive without this rigour: in 
answer to this, we have only to say, that we cannot see 
the propriety of making war upon our own citizens, 
and of disregarding the plainest principles of morality 
and justice, upon the mere speculative probability that 
it would shorten the duration of a war with a foreign 
pat! on. 

Since writing our remarks on the subject of the 
effect of this law in driving our sailors (4) out of em- 
ployment and into foreign service, the bill has been re- 
turned from the Senate, with an amendment, by which 
our sailors are prevented from going into the service 
of foreign nations; and in this way the bill passed. 
Our sailors, with the exception of such as are employ- 
ed in our vessels of war and cruisers, are also embar- 
goed We have now to remark, that the loss of sailors 
in the way which we contemplated is guarded against; 
but we do not view the law as being in the least im- 
proved. The case of sailors, placed in the situation of 
(4) Sec note at the end. 



17 



ours, without business, and prohibited from seeking it 
where it. may be found, is almost past endurance. 
Sailors are generally fitted exclusive'.)' for their own 
business... they are qualified for no other... they are 
generally prodigal of their earnings; so that with re- 
spect to the greater part of them, they will be reduced 
to the disagreeable alternatives of begging, stealing, or 
starving, and going without clothes. To deny a portion 
of our people the privilege of pursuing the business 
which-tbey are atone fit far , seems really hard; and to 
deny them at the same time, the privilege of going 
abroad to seek such business, when their very exist- 
ence may be said to depend upon it, is passing hard. 

This law, it is Hue, is only to remain in force for 
something more than a year; but we believe that any 
argument which could now be advanced in its sup- 
port, would apply with equal force for its continuance 
during the war: and indeed, we think such duration 
would have more the appearance of consistency, and as 
a measure resulting from a thorough conviction of its 
utility as a war measure, than the present, in the one 
case, we would seem to pursue a course which we 
thought wise; in the other, we seem only to be making 
an experiment Let us then for a moment contem- 
pt te ii as a permanent measure of hostility: a majority 
of this nation believe our enemy has long been labeling 
for a monopoly of the commerce of the world, ancTthat 
this was the end designed in promulgating their orders 
in council; and in this opinion we concur with the ma- 
jority. We then ask emphatically, whether the re- 
straining our carriers from the ocean, is calculated to 
counteract . or to favor this point of British policy ? 
Our answer is, that it would favor it: thereby her only 
dangerous rival in carrying and in commercial specu- 
lation, leaves her to carry lor the world, and to buy and 
sell for the world; the -very state of thugs which she 
desires. She then could exact her own price for carry- 
ing, and her own price for every commoditj sold. We 
believe it could be demon st> .ted as clearly as any pro- 
b2 



IS 



position in the mathematics, that our enemy would 
make a great bargain by ceding to us her North Ame- 
rican possessions for an embargo for a few years. In a 
few years our numerous vessels, that have rivalled her 
in every sea, would be annihilated, and our brave and 
skilful tars< who have recently become the terror of her 
seamen and mariners, would be dispersed and lost to 
any useful purpose. She would then truly have the 
monopoly of all commerce for a very long time, with 
all its advantages. We have yielded it to her for a 
time 

We have, fellow citizens, in our opinion, fairly stated 
some of the most prominent objections to the passage 
of this law: many others without doubt could be made 
by men more conversant with commercial affairs. If 
our view is correct, the just conclusion is, that the in- 
juries resulting to this nation by the passage of the law, 
will be many and very grievous, such as we will see 
and feel; while the injury resulting to our enemy* will 
be inconsiderable, of which we will never be sensible; 
and which will be in no wise calculated to shorten the 
present ivar. It is a state of things which she can 
probably endure for a much longer time than we can. 

We expect that there are some who will cry out that 
We are disposed to feed our enemy; and who, from a 
contracted view of the state of the world, believe that ive 
alone, among all the nations of the earth, have bread- 
stuffs to sell; and have it in our power, instantly, to put 
an end to the war by an embargo: to these we say, that 
xve despise all commerce between our citizens and our 
enemy; and will heartily join in any law for punishing 
such intercourse: but we can see no good reason why 
■we should sacrifice all the products of our soil and in- 
duslry, when a vast portion of them might be sold to 
neutrals, merely because some of them may be sold by 
the neutrals to our enemy. This policy savours too 
much of the course of the animal in the manner of hay. 
Againsi the products of the great manufacturing es- 
tablishments of our enemy, one of the principal sources 



19 



of that active wealth which enables them to trade and 
fight, our non-importation law is pointed: if it is not 
sufficiently guarded, we will heartily aid in endeavoring 
to make it more effectual. 

We thin k we can see a good reason for abstain- 
ing from the purchase or use of the merchandize of 
our enemy; but we are not able to see the good policy 
of withholding all the products of our soil and industry 
from all the world, because a part may be carried to 
British markets. Buy little, and stll much, we believe 
to be good policy; because thereby our monied capital 
will be increased, and the energies of the nation brought 
to operate with the greater facility. 

From the picture which we have here given of Bri- 
tish power and resources, some may conclude that we 
believe the contest hopeless: to those we say, that we 
have, and would still, under a proper course of war 
policy, hope for bringing the war to an honorable conclu- 
sion. We have trusted and believed, that by excluding- 
their goods from our market, by active, judicious, and 
vigorous warfare on their Canadian and other provinces 
in North America, combined with active, judicious, and 
vigorous operations on the ocean against their ships 
and commerce, through our national vessels of war 
and privateer cruisers, we would convince our enemy 
that it was most politic to do us justice, and give up 
their favorite project of monopolizing the commerce 
of the world. 

In submitting these observations, we are willing to 
admit that personal considerations have had much in- 
fluence. We believe that many worthy men in this 
nation have been driven out of the pale of popular 
favor by a little newspaper ranting, giving to the peo- 
ple all that can be said on one side, and withholding all 
on the other Indeed, we believe this matter is sys- 
lematised, and when applied to a public charactet, is 
called " writing him down." We have determined 
not to be written down tamely and quietly; and we be- 
lieve also, that it is important that the people should, 



20 



in nil cases of moment, hear and weigh the arguments 
on both sides. Under this impression, and with a view 
to our justification, we have offered the foregoing re- 
marks. 

We have the chav'ity- to believe that many wise 
honest men differed from us upon the subject of the 
embargo; and we wish the same charity extended to 
ourselves. We do not like the practice of denouncing 
and \vriti>ii( down. 



21 

NOTES. 

The following statements are subjoined, with a vie,\v 
to the support of our remarks as to the ability of oub 
enemy to supply herseli with bread-stuffs, &x. and to 
show the amount of our loss by this prohibition of all 
commerce. 

•fl)The quantity of grain exported from the 

ports of the Baltic, all of which, except Bushels. 

the polls of Denmark, are now open to 

British commerce, in 1801 amounted to 16,098,032 

The exports of grain from the same ports 
in 1802, (of which 17,595,834 bushels 
were wheat and rye) amounted to - 20,758-650 

Jreland exports some grain every year 

in 181 I Ireland exported to England - 2,591,418 

And from the 5th of January 1811 to the 
5th of March 1812, the exports of grain 
from Ireland, to England, Spain, and 
Portugal, amounted to 1,436,813 bar- 
rels, and by reckoning the barrel to con- 
tain 5 bushels, amounts to - - 7,184,065 

The precise amount of grain exported 
from the Mediterranean cannot be as- 
certained by us. It is known, however, 
that all the immense countries border- 
ing on the Mediterranean are very fer- 
tile, and happily adapted to the growth 
of wheat: it is also known, that large 
quantities are exported from thence 
every year. We do not believe it would 
be extravagant to set down the exports 
from that quarter as equal to those of 
the Baltic: we, however, set them down 
at half the amount, say - - - 10,000,000 

\\e will now state the amount of grain im- 
ported Into England, taking the average 
of 10 years. 



22 



From 1775 to 1786, the average impou- Bushels. 

tation of wheat and flour was - - 1,-5 32,776 
from 1787 to I79S, the average amount 

of each year was - 2,4.96,544 

And from 1799 to 1810, it was - - 5,551,720 

The price of grain in the ports of the Baltic is less 
than seventy cents per bushel: in the Mediterranean it 
is higher in price. 

We do not ask the people to take these facts on our 
credit. In support of the facts stated, ns to the amount 
and price of grain exported from the Baltic and Medi- 
terranean, we refer to Oddy's European Commerce, 
and Jackson's Reflections on the Commerce of iho 
Mediterranean, and to the natural history of those 
countries. With regard to the exports of grain from 
Ireland, and the quantity imported to England from all 
the world, we refer to documents furnished by the 
officers of the customs in England in February 1811, 
and published by order of the House of Commons. 

We are informed, from a source entitled to credit, 
that a contract was made by the British government, 
during the last year, with some merchants residing in 
Odessa on the coast of the Black sea, for 10,000,000 
bushels of wheat; and the quantity was actually deliver- 
ed in the ports of Spain and Portugal; and did not 
average more than one dollar and fifty cents per bushel 
at the port of delivery. 

(2) Buonaparte eulogised the Americans for laying 
the embargo of 1807, and he had his views; for as soon 
as wheat and bread-stuffs became very high in England, 
by our embargo, aided by other circumstances leading 
to the high price, he opened a licensed trade with 
England, and actually sold them as much grain as the 
occasion required; and thus turned the losses and even 
the ruin of our agriculturists to his advantage. If he 
does not react over this scene, ii will be because there 
will be no occurrence of a similar opportunity. 



Or! 






V J) The following is a statement of the exports fro\j\ 
the United Suites, of articles the growth and product of 
our soil, and the exports of articles of foreign growth 
?.nd product, from 1802 to 18 10: the first column 
shows the amount of exports of domestic products, the 
second the amount of exports of articles of foreign 
growth, and the third, the whole amount exported in 
each year. 



Exported in 


Domestic 


Foreign 




the year 


growth. 


grow lh. 


Total. 


1802, 


£42,205,961 


g 15,594,072 


§55,800.033 


1803, 


41,467.47/ 


36,231,597 


77,699,074 


1804, 


42,387,002 


53,179.019 


95,566.021 


1805, 


41,253.727 


60,283,236 


101,536,968 


1806, 


48,699,592 


59,643,558 


108,343,150 


1807, 


9,405,702 


12,997,414 


22,403,116 


1808, 


31,405,702 


20,797,531 


52,203,2 3o 


1809, 


42,366,675 


24,391,295 


66,757,970 



In 1 806. ...7, when the exportation of the products of 
American industry were higher in amount than at any 
former, period, amounting to 48,699,592 dollars, this 
sum is divided as follows: 

Product of the sea, fish, Sec. - S 2.804,000 

Product of the forest, lumber, Sec. 5,476.000 

Agricultural, bread, flour, 8cc. - - 14,432,000 

Cotton and tobacco, - 19,708000 

Manufactures, .... 2,409,000 

Uncertain, ... - 4,072,592 

Now if it could be admitted, that the whole of the 

surplus agricultural products of the United States 

were sold to neutrals, and by them carried directly to 

the enemy, we ask who would be most injured by the 

transaction? We, who received the money, the sinews 

of war, for produce we did not want, and could not use; 

or the enemy, who received from us, for their money, 



24 



supplies which they eould get from their allies in Eu- 
rope ? 

Can any one believe the embargo will starve the 
armies of our enemy in Canada? Canada, as early as 
1784, exported 500,000 bushels of wheat to England, 
besides considerable quantities to the West Indies: 
Canada has ever since exported more or less grain 
every year; the regular troops now in that country are 
Ly some estimated at 12,000; the blockading squadron 
contains about as many more, say 25)000 in all, to bo 
supported; requiring about 60,000 barrels of flour for 
their daily rations, for twelve months. If the flour 
should cost the enemy live dollars per barrel more on 
account of the embargo, which would pay freight from 
the Black sea; we would only then injure the enemy to 
the value of 300,000 dollars; and to effect this, would 
injure ourselves to the amount of thirty or forty mil- 
lions of dollars The man who would manage his pri- 
vate affairs thus, would be in danger of having them 
judicially confided to other hands lor management, 

We repeat again, that men and money are, in our 
opinion, the only means by which Canada can or will 
be reduced; they are the means, and the only means, 
in our humble opinion, by which this war can or will 
ever be successfully terminated; and we cannot but re- 
gret to see measures adopted paralizing this potent 
-arm of the government, the country's best hope. 

(4) We have 100,000 registered seamen; of these, 
from ten to fifteen thousand may find employment on 
board our national vessels of war. What is to become 
of the balance ? 



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